March 29, 2025 – The complex dynamics of Syria’s ongoing conflict are closely tied to questions of identity, ethnicity, and political fragmentation. At the heart of this crisis is Hay’at Tahrir al-Sham (HTS), one of the most powerful and controversial factions operating in northern Syria. As a dominant political and military force, HTS continues to shape the country’s future while reflecting the deep-rooted identity challenges that Syria faces.

Understanding HTS and Its Origins

Formed in 2017 as a rebranding of Jabhat al-Nusra, the former Syrian affiliate of al-Qaeda, HTS has sought to distance itself from its radical jihadist origins and portray a more moderate image. However, despite its attempts to project a more pragmatic and localized approach, its ideological foundations remain deeply influenced by extremist principles.

HTS’s leadership, primarily composed of former jihadists, has maneuvered to consolidate power in Idlib province, where the group now functions as a de facto governing authority. The group’s control over large swathes of northwest Syria has positioned it as a formidable player in the Syrian civil war, capable of influencing regional dynamics and interacting with international stakeholders, particularly Turkey.

Why HTS Avoids ‘Syria’ in Its Name

A closer look at HTS’s name provides insight into the broader identity crisis that has plagued Syria for decades. Hay’at Tahrir al-Sham (translated as “Organization for the Liberation of the Levant”) deliberately avoids using the term “Syria” in its title, opting instead for “Sham,” a term that evokes a historical and geopolitical entity encompassing a much larger region. Historically, the term Sham refers to the Levant, which includes modern-day Syria, Lebanon, Israel, the West Bank, and Jordan.

This linguistic choice is far from accidental. By adopting a name that references a broader historical region rather than the modern nation-state of Syria, HTS underscores the enduring challenges that Syria faces in defining its national identity. The absence of Syria’s name in the group’s identity reflects the fragmented and contested nature of Syrian statehood, which has struggled to reconcile its multi-ethnic and multi-sectarian composition with the modern idea of a cohesive nation-state.

Ethnic and Sectarian Divides in Syria

Syria’s demographic complexity has long been a source of internal tension. The country is home to a mosaic of ethnic and religious communities, including:

• Sunni Arabs: The largest group, traditionally dominant in Syrian society but marginalized politically under the Assad regime.
• Alawites: A minority sect to which President Bashar al-Assad belongs, long associated with the ruling elite and disproportionately represented in Syria’s security and military apparatus.
• Kurds: A significant ethnic group concentrated in northern Syria, with aspirations for autonomy and self-governance.
• Druze and Christians: Smaller minority communities that have navigated the civil war by maintaining a delicate balance of neutrality and alignment with the regime.

The failure of the Syrian state to forge a unified national identity has allowed these divisions to fester, creating fertile ground for extremist ideologies and external interventions. HTS, with its Salafist-jihadist roots, has exploited these divisions to establish its dominance, presenting itself as a defender of Sunni Muslims against both the Assad regime and external threats.

HTS and Its Relationship with Turkey

Turkey’s role in Syria has further complicated the landscape, with Ankara viewing HTS as a potentially useful counterweight to Kurdish forces and the Assad regime. While Turkey officially designates HTS as a terrorist organization, it has maintained a pragmatic relationship with the group, allowing it to operate in Idlib under Turkish supervision.

Turkey’s strategic interest in northern Syria stems from its desire to prevent the establishment of a Kurdish-controlled autonomous region along its border. By engaging with HTS, Turkey seeks to preserve a buffer zone that limits Kurdish influence while maintaining leverage over the Syrian conflict’s outcome.

HTS and the Alawite Community: A Deep-Rooted Conflict

Despite its attempts to rebrand as a more moderate political entity, HTS’s relationship with Syria’s Alawite community remains deeply adversarial. Rooted in decades of sectarian mistrust and violence, HTS views the Alawite-dominated Assad regime as a primary enemy. This hostility is not merely political but also ideological, as HTS’s Salafi-jihadist doctrine regards the Alawites as heretics.

The animosity between HTS and the Alawite community underscores the profound sectarian rifts that have defined Syria’s civil war. While HTS claims to represent the Sunni majority, its extremist origins and unwavering hostility toward minority communities have undermined any genuine prospects for reconciliation.

Syria’s Identity Crisis: A Nation Fragmented

Syria’s struggle to define its national identity predates the civil war and is rooted in the complex legacy of colonialism, sectarianism, and authoritarianism. Since gaining independence from French colonial rule in 1946, Syria has grappled with questions of national unity, political legitimacy, and ethnic inclusion.

The Ba’athist ideology that underpinned the Assad regime sought to promote Arab nationalism as a unifying force, but its authoritarian nature alienated large segments of the population. The 2011 uprising, which quickly descended into civil war, exposed the fragility of Syria’s national identity and set the stage for the fragmentation that followed.

HTS’s prominence in this fragmented landscape reflects the failure of the Syrian state to establish an inclusive and cohesive national identity. By invoking the broader concept of the Levant (Sham), HTS implicitly rejects the modern boundaries of Syria, positioning itself as part of a transnational jihadist project rather than a national political movement.

The Future of HTS and Syria’s Identity Struggle

As Syria’s civil war drags on, HTS’s role in shaping the country’s future remains uncertain. While the group has demonstrated an ability to adapt and consolidate power in Idlib, its long-term viability as a political entity hinges on its ability to reconcile its jihadist origins with the pragmatic demands of governance.

Moreover, Syria’s identity crisis is far from resolved. The competing visions of Syria — as a pluralistic, multi-ethnic state or as an Islamic emirate under HTS control — continue to fuel the ongoing conflict. Until these fundamental questions of identity and legitimacy are addressed, Syria’s path toward stability and reconciliation will remain elusive.

HTS may control territory, but Syria’s true battle lies in defining who it is as a nation — a question that remains unanswered as the conflict enters its second decade.